Like Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael was against Integrationism, believing that it implied a negation of parts of the African American character. By contrast Carmichael continuously urged African Americans to remember their common roots and culture. He wanted them to establish a new self-conception, new values and new aims to fight for. All this in order to liberate themselves from the values and mentality imposed on them by the American culture he retained all-white “[...] it was time for black liberation and not token integration!”
Wherever Stokely Carmichael went, he preached the necessity to develop a black self-esteem. The popularity of slogans such as “Black is beautiful” or “Be proud to be black” underlined that his claims for Black Pride satifisfied a psychological need of Black America.
Norman Kelley (in “Memoirs of a Revolutionist”, The Nation, December 8, 2003) put it this way:
“[…] Carmichael began preaching a ‘soft’ form of power: black cultural nationalism. In fairness, this was important, given that African-Americans had been systematically brainwashed into hating themselves”
 Stokely Carmichael & Charles Hamilton - Black Power. The Politics of Liberation in America After the “Mississipi March against Fear” during which Stokely Carmichael proclaimed the “Black Power” slogan for the first time, the Black activist transformed the mere slogan into a sophisticated political program. Together with Charles V. Hamilton, Stokely Carmichael recorded these political views later in Black Power. The Politics of Liberation in America (Random House, New York, 1967).
In order to achieve Black Power Carmichael was convinced that it was absolutely necessary to found further all Black politcal parties, that would – following the example of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) – represent and fight for the Black Community’s interests. In Carmichael’s words:
“Black Power recognizes […] the power-oriented nature of American politics. Black Power therefore calls for black people to consolidate behind their own, so that they can bargain from a position of strength.” [Stokely Carmichael, op. cit.]
Stokely Carmichael did not flatly refuse coalitions as he knew that at a certain point the All Black Parties would need to coalite in order to achieve majorities. Nevertheless Carmichael stressed that Black people first of all would need to develeop a strong solidarity among themselves. This solidarity he believed would emerge if Black people would organize themselves politically without outside support. By doing so they would become aware of their qualities, their political strength and they would also get to know the United States’ political arena from the inside. In short, Stokely Carmichael intended to create strong political foundation with enough power to create equal coalitions:
“We want to establish the grounds on which we feel political coalitions can be viable. The coalitionists proceed on what we can identify as three myths of major fallacies. First, that in the context of present day America, the interests of black people are identical with the interest of certain liberal, labor and other reform groups. Those groups accept the legitimacy of the basic values and institutions of the society, and fundamentally are not interested in a major reorientation of the society. Many adherents to the current coalition doctrine recognize this but nevertheless would have black people coalesce with such groups. The assumption – which is a myth – is this: What is good for America is automatically good for black people. The second myth is the fallacious assumption that a viable coalition can be effected between the politically and economically insecure. The third myth assumes that political coalitions are or can be sustained on a moral friendly, sentimental basis: by appeals to conscience.” [Stokely Carmichael, op. cit.]
Before continuing my series on Stokely Carmichael and the Black Power Movement I would like to make a brief excursus on the Black Middle Class.
A few weeks ago my attention was called to a Video on that subject, which turned out to be very interesting now that due to US President Barack Obama the world has learned of the existence of the Black Middle Class.
Throughout her studies, Mary Pattillo, professor of sociology and African American studies at Northwestern University, not least member of the Black Middle class herself, became aware of the fact that “much of the sociological literature on Black communities was focused on the Black Poor”. Feeling that “this was really one sided and did not show the diversity of the Black community” she was moved to do research on the middle class African Americans.
In the video below she outlines the history of the black middle class, discusses the strange relation between middle class and poor African Americans and depicts how President Obama has altered the dialogue.
Continuation of “Stokely Carmichael – Part 8: The Radicalization of the SNCC under Carmichael’s leadership”
On June 16, 1966, during the Mississippi March against Fear Stokely Carmichael took the occasion to proclaim the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s change of direction. After each day’s march the leaders of the participating civil rights organizations usually addressed the Black Mississippi residents.
Whereas the nonviolent integrationist Martin Luther King Jr. continued to appeal to white people’s conscience asking for “Freedom Now“, Stokely Carmichael addressed only the Black frustrated population (which after years of struggle had experienced only scarce progress of their living conditions and their rights) stressing that “… the only thing that’s gonna get us [blacks] freedom is power”.
When the march reached the city of Greenwood, where Carmichael had worked as a project director during the Mississippi Freedom Summer he felt that the moment was ripe to call out for “Black Power“.
Charlie Cobb, a fellow SNCC activist, has recalled the episode – Carmichael’s words and the crowd’s enthusiastic reaction – as follows:
 Stokely Carmichael proclaims Black Power during Mississippi March against Fear … “we been saying freedom for six years and we ain’t got nothin’. What we gonna start saying now is Black Power!” [Carmichael] roared to amens, clapping, and stomping feet. He stood, eyes blazing, fist clenched with one finger pointing, like a wrathful prophet stepped straight from the pages of the Old Testament as Willie Ricks, a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee organizer, leapt to the platform. “BLACK POWER!” Ricks began chanting, “BLACK POWER! What do you want?” “BLACK POWER!” the crowd responded with force that startled a press corps expecting to hear the tones of ‘we shall overcome’. And Stokely Carmichael exploded into the national consciousness.
To be continued…
 Stokely Carmichael - The Key Organizer of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) a.k.a. Lowndes County Black Panther Party Continuation of Stokely Carmichael – Part 7: Carmichael becomes a Full-Time SNCC Activist
Through his leadership skills Stokely Carmichael rose to become the Lowndes County Black Panther Party’s key organizer. Gaining increasingly more responsibilty inside the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Carmichael developed into one of its most decisive representatives.The party’s slogan “Power for Black People” left no doubt about the goals Carmichael intended to achieve. The activist demanded the attainment of political power for black people instead of continuing the integrationist efforts in order to become part of a system he regarded racist.
Most of the SNCC members agreed with Carmichael’s position characterized by an augmented „black consciousness” and subsequently by a paradigm shift – away from integrationism and towards „black nationalism” when in 1966 he was elected president. Replacing the “nonviolent apostle” John Lewis as leader of the SNCC Stokely Carmichael contributed decisively to the radicalization of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
The majority of the organization agreed with Carmichael’s stance. Having experienced similar atrocities and hate during their organizational activities in the Deep South they indeed disapproved with nonviolent tactics without any reservation. Carmichael, for whom nonviolence had always been a strategy, not a philosophy of life, declared:
“I don’t go along with this garbage that you can’t hate, you gotta love. I don’t go along with that at all. Man you can, you do hate. You don’t forget that Mississippi experience. You don’t get arrested twenty-seven times. You don’t smile at that and say love thy white brother. You don’t forget those beatings and, man, they were rough. Those mothers were out to get revenge. You don’t forget. You don’t forget those funerals. I knew Medgar Evers, I knew Willie Moore, I knew Mickey Schwerner, I knew Jonathan Daniels, I met Mrs. Liuzzo just before she was killed. You don’t forget those funerals”.
The radicalization of the SNCC furthermore manifested itself in a rising hostility towards white people. Some black members even demanded the expulsion of all the white members from the SNCC.
Stokely Carmichael’s attitude towards white people was more diplomatic. He asked the white members and sympathisers of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to concentrate on their own white communities instead of working in the black southern ones. This is how he explained himself:
“You must seek to tear down racism. You must seek to organize poor whites. You must stop crying ‘Black supremacy’ [...] or ‘racism in reverse’ and face certain facts: that this country is racist from top to bottom and one group is exploiting the other. You must face the fact that racism in this country is a white, not a black problem. And because of this, you must move into white communities to deal with the problem“.
To be continued …
Continuation of “Stokely Carmichael – Part 6: Freedom Rides and White Backlash”
 Stokely Carmichael as a young activist in Lowndes County, AL. … In 1964, after graduating from Howard University (majoring in philosophy) Stokely Carmichael refused to continue his academic career (there were various Phd offers) in order to become a full-time rebel joining the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).
In the same year the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) – organized by the SNCC and the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) – had failed to substitute the Mississippi’s “white-only” regular Democratic Party at the 1964 Democratic Party Convention.
Disillusioned with the Democratic Party’s rejection of the MFDP many SNCC activist turned away from Integrationism and towards Black Nationalism.
Carmichael was among the majority of the SNCC activist who regarded superflous continuing the effort toward Integrationism. Tired of soliciting the White power structure’s favor Stokely Carmichael stressed the importance of founding Black Independent Parties.
Thanks to an Alabama State Law that supported the creation of Political Parties on a County Level it was possible to set up a completely autonomous black political party with the intent to bypass the local branches of the two established political parties.
The SNCC decided to set up the party in Lowndes County – where Afro-Americans constituted 82% of the population as well as the majority of the registered voters – founding the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO).
Due to Alabama’s high illiteracy rate the above-mentioned state law prescribed every party to have a party symbol. Taking inspiration from a local college mascott the SNCC activists chose a black panther as their symbol bringing about the nickname Lowndes County Black Panther Party.
To be continued …
A few weeks ago, on March 8, women all over the world celebrated the “International Women’s Day“. In my hometown – Florence, Italy – groups of women were strolling around the historic district, enjoying the sunny day whilst celebrating their day.
But what were we celebrating? Indubitably, if we take a glance at the role of women inside the Italian society, reasons for celebrating are more than hard to find.
As opposed to the celebrating women, the more “committed” women, old and new feminist (obviously a minority in our society), were exposing theirselves on the national media. Quite ritualistically and with a known snivelling they addressed two types of chauvinism characterizing the Italian society.
An example for the first and older form of chauvinism consists in the fact that in 2009 still only a few women in Italy occupy deceisve positions exercising “power”. On the other hand a new type of chauvinism transpires if we, for example, consider the revisionist, prohibitive approach toward abortion laws.
Now, what are we women supposed to do? Let’s stop feeling sorry for ourselves and counting on men’s goodness in exercising power. Let us get our act together, unite and attack issues concerning our rights in a constructive manner!
Let the example of a strong and proud female force in American history, an model of a fighter, inspire us! I’m talking about Sojourner Truth.
 Sojourner Truth a.k.a. Isabella Baumfree Sojourner Truth (1797 – 1883) was born a slave in the State of New York, but she never got intimidated or scared by prejudices concerning black women. On the contrary, after the abolition of slavery in NY, she travelled across the United States, becoming one of the most lively and inspiring speakers of the abolitionist cause, and not only. Sojourner Truth was also a woman who believed that the abolition of slavery – if it wasn’t accompanied by the women’s right to vote – would not have brought any real change in black women’s lives (“There is a great deal of stir about coloured men getting their rights but not a word about the coloured women’s theirs. You see, the coloured men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it was before”).
Thus, Truth became a promoter of a third type of struggle for a more civilized American society. Thanks to her, besides the struggle for equality of black people and the struggle for more women’s rights (promoted mainly by white women of the American middle-class) Sojourner Truth put the struggle of black women on the map. Think about it. Who suffered more prejudices than black women having to deal with a dual discrimination: a discrimination based on the color of their skin as well as on their sex?
The more discriminated the stronger she was! Accused of being a man, during a public speech, Sojourner Truth gave a undisputable proof of her “femininity” showing her breasts which had suckled her children. Strong women are not “true” women, are they?
That’s what “man” is about: if he has the power, he uses it, he won’t abdicate it. On the contrary, he will do whatever is necessary to keep it; if he suffers discrimation and prejudice, he becomes indignant for his own condition, but remains indifferent toward prejucides faced by other beings.
Therefore, Italian women, we shall read carefully Sojourner Truth’s most famous speech “Ain’t I a woman?“. We shall think about the force of this woman and take her as an example. Let us stand for our rights instead of whining and without begging men for more power and consideration.
“Well, children, where there is so much racket there must be something out of kilter. I think that ‘twixt the negroes of the South and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what’s all this here talking about?
That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain’t I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ain’t I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man – when I could get it – and bear the lash as well! And ain’t I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain’t I a woman?
Then they talk about this thing in the head; what’s this they call it? [member of audience whispers, "intellect"] That’s it, honey. What’s that got to do with women’s rights or negroes’ rights? If my cup won’t hold but a pint, and yours holds a quart, wouldn’t you be mean not to let me have my little half measure full?
Then that little man in black there, he says women can’t have as much rights as men, ’cause Christ wasn’t a woman! Where did your Christ come from? Where did your Christ come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothing to do with Him.
If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it back , and get it right side up again! And now they is asking to do it, the men better let them.
Obliged to you for hearing me, and now old Sojourner ain’t got nothing more to say”
Editor’s Note: This is a guest post by Roberta Danti, a graduate of the University of Florence’s Law School. Even though she majored in Fiscal Law writing a thesis on “The Abuse of EU VAT Law” she personally follows the most various issues touching the fields of law. This post was originally written in italian, once published in its orginal language I will provide my readers with the link.
Continuation of “Stokely Carmichael – Part 5: The Sit-in Movement and Howard University”
… After having participated in various sit-ins during his freshman year at Howard University, Carmichael decided to take part in another form of nonviolent protest: the freedom rides.
As a nineteen-year-old college freshman Carmichael was one of the youngest freedom riders, but it should not remain his only record. Trying to desegregate a railway station in Jackson, Mississippi, the black activist set the record of being the youngest detainee in the summer of 1961.
 - White Backlash in a Birmingham Trailway bus station
The experience of his first detention (during his successive SNCC activities in the Deep South he would be arrested for another 26 times) was particularly sadistic. Carmichael spent 53 days in “a six-by-nine cell. Twice a week to shower. No books, nothing to do. They would isolate us. Maximum security”.
In his article “The Brilliancy of Black” (see my “Further Reading” section for more info) Bernard Weinraub recalls a very illustrative description of the tortures Carmichael and the other detainees had to face in Jackson, Mississippi:
“[...] and those guards were out of sight. They did not play. [...] The sheriff acted like he was scared of black folks and he came up with some beautiful things. One night he opened up all the windows, put on ten big fans and an air conditioner and dropped the temperature to 38 degrees. All we had on was T-shirts and shorts. And it was so cold, so cold, all you could do was walk around for two nights and three days, your teeth chattering, going out of your mind, and it getting so cold that when you touch the bedspring you feel your skin is gonna come right off.”
Notwithstanding the inhumane treatment by the local and state authorities inside and outside of jail, not to mention the ferocious aggressions by the South’s white racist mobs, Stokely Carmichael did not hesitate to return to Mississippi the following summers joining the SNCC in its activities.
To be continued…
Continuation of Stokely Carmichael – Part 4: The Stepladder Speakers’ Impact on the Soon-to-be Activist
… In 1960, when Carmichael attended his senior year at Bronx Science, the sit-in movement broke out throwing the spotlight on racial segregation that still persisted in the South.
When Carmichaell heard about it in the beginning he was quite skeptical towards the young black activists who carried out the first sit-ins:
“when I first heard about the Negroes sitting-in at lunch counters down South, I thought they were just a bunch of publicity hounds.”
After a few weeks Stokely Carmichael changed his opinion:
 Student activists sitting-in at a lunch counter had to support shameful white backlash. “[...] but one night when I saw those kids on TV, getting back up on the lunch counter stools after being knocked off them, sugar in their eyes, catsup in their hair – well, something happened to me. Suddenly I was burning“.
Carmichael decided to get involved. Together with other New Yorkers, he joined a boycott of a Washington D.C Woolworth store. Shortly afterwards Carmichael accompanied a youth division of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) on a trip to Virginia where, during a sit-in, he met members of the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG), a student group from Howard University, affiliated to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
In this occasion Carmichael was profoundly “impressed by the way they conducted themselves, the way they sat there and took the punishment,” to the point that he decided to decline various scholarship offers from prestigious universities in order to enroll to Howard University, a well known Negro School located in Washington D.C. , where Carmichael intended to join the Nonviolent Action Group.
To be continued…
Continuation of Stokely Carmichael – Part 3: The Years at Bronx High School of Science
… On the streets of Harlem, more precisely on 125th street, Stokely Carmichael found what was missing in the white leftist world: a dynamic oratory concerning black nationalism and America’s racial problem. Both issues were addressed extensively by Harlem’s “stepladder speakers”, brilliant orators, who instructed their listeners on the history of black resistance and, more importantly, on the methods that needed to be adopted in the future.
To give my readers an idea of the Harlem Stepladder Speakers I uploaded an excerpt of Spike Lee’s “Malcolm X”, in which the camera swings from Malcolm X addressing a Harlem street crowd to two Stepladder Speakers.
Listening to the stepladder speakers Carmichael began to understand the enormous power of their rhetorical style, which he tried to absorb. In his biography Carmichael reports that “important elements of [his] adult speaking style-the techniques of public speaking in the dramatic African tradition of the spoken word, can be traced to these street corner orators of Harlem. To them and the Baptist preachers of the rural South”.
Moreover, the stepladder speakers with their black nationalist theories convinced Stokely Carmichael that the communists/socialists that supported black people inciting them to begin the “civil rights revolution” did so only because they needed an atmosphere of chaos in order to raise a systemic revolution.
To be continued…
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